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The new house had a dining room and a living room, sparkling glass doorknobs, French doors that opened into a large sunroom, an herb garden, and a backyard with soft grass and big trees.

Darlene and her father planted tomatoes and made salads with the sweet, juicy fruit every Friday, all summer long.

To the Lomax children, the fenceless backyard was ripe for exploration, and it funneled them right to the yards of their neighbors. One yard belonged to two sisters who worked as special-education teachers—the first black people Darlene had met who had college degrees.

As Lomax got to know these sisters, she began to think that perhaps her philosophy teacher was right: She, too, could go to college and someday buy a house of her own with glass doorknobs and a garden.

She graduated from Rosemont College in , and after a stint as a social worker, she enrolled at Temple University and got her teaching credential.

On February 19, , Lomax was in the weekly faculty leadership meeting at Fairhill Elementary, a year-old school in a historic Puerto Rican neighborhood of Philadelphia where she served as principal.

She just stared at her computer screen, frozen, as she read a letter from the school superintendent. She read it again and again to make sure she understood what it said.

They all broke down weeping. Then they walked to the front of the building in silence and unlocked the doors to open the school for the day.

Five miles away, as Germantown High School prepared for its th anniversary, its principal was digesting the same letter. In all, 24 Philadelphia schools would be closed that year.

Back when Lomax was a student in Philadelphia in the s, local, state, and federal governments poured extra resources into these racially isolated schools—grand, elegant buildings that might look like palaces or city halls—to compensate for a long history of segregation.

And they invested in the staff inside those schools, pushing to expand the teaching workforce and bring in more black and Latino teachers with roots in the community.

Teaching was an essential path into the middle class, especially for African American women; it was also a nexus of organizing. During the civil rights movement, black educators were leaders in fighting for increased opportunity, including more equitable school funding and a greater voice for communities in running schools and districts.

But today, as buildings like Germantown High stand shuttered, these changes are slowly being rolled back. In Philadelphia and across the country, scores of schools have been closed, radically restructured, or replaced by charter schools.

And in the process, the face of the teaching workforce has changed. According to the Albert Shanker Institute, which is funded in part by the American Federation of Teachers, the number of black educators has declined sharply in some of the largest urban school districts in the nation.

In Philadelphia, the number of black teachers declined by In Chicago, the black teacher population dropped by nearly 40 percent. And in New Orleans, there was a 62 percent drop in the number of black teachers.

Many of these departures came as part of mass layoffs and closings in schools with low test scores, a policy promoted with federal and state dollars since In Chicago, 49 out of about schools were closed in , and in Washington, DC, 38 out of schools have been shuttered since And since , out of roughly 1, New York City schools have closed.

In each of the nine cities the Albert Shanker Institute studied, a higher percentage of black teachers were laid off or quit than Latino or white educators.

Nationwide, according to the federal Department of Education, African Americans made up 6. Nearly 83 percent of the teaching workforce in was white, down slightly from Countless black principals, coaches, cafeteria workers, nurses, and counselors have also been displaced—all in the name of raising achievement among black students.

While white Americans are slowly waking up to the issue of police harassment and violence in black communities, many are unaware of the quiet but broad damage the loss of African American educators inflicts on the same communities.

The teacher had taken the knife from a fifth grader who was showing it to a classmate. Soon afterward, Lomax sat down with the year-old.

He told her that on his way to school, an older and more popular boy had shown him the knife and chosen him to carry it for a few days. Lomax had known the student, who was African American, for two years.

She knew he struggled academically and socially, that he yearned for ways to raise his status among peers. She suspended him and filed a report with the district.

Within the next two years, the student turned out to be one of the higher-achieving kids in the school. In a study , Adam Wright, a researcher at the University of California-Santa Barbara, identified a key factor in that disparity: White teachers are much more likely than black teachers to find behavior problems with black students.

This difference did not show up when teachers evaluated white or Latino students. Wright estimated that if schools doubled the number of black teachers, the black-white suspension disparity would be cut in half.

Other research points in the same direction. A study by the London School of Economics found that white teachers graded black and Latino students more harshly for the same performance, accounting for as much as 22 percent of the achievement gap between white students and students of color.

Earlier this year, Johns Hopkins researchers found that black teachers are much more likely than white teachers to think a black student will graduate from high school or get a college degree—especially if the kid is a black boy.

And even at the schools where black and Latino students are concentrated—71 percent of these students attend high-poverty, mostly urban schools—only 15 percent of teachers are black and 16 percent are Latino.

During that time, she remembers coming across many veteran educators who were successfully teaching kids of all backgrounds.

She asked black parents in Philadelphia to identify teachers they considered most effective with their children and then spent two years observing those teachers in the classroom.

And instead of a one-size-fits-all approach, they used different techniques with kids of varying skills and interests.

The successful teachers Ladson-Billings studied also created bonds that resemble family. That was what Lomax did when she first became an assistant principal: She invited parents, teachers, and students to come to school on a Friday evening with sleeping bags and blow-up mattresses.

Teachers and parents set up a movie room in the library. Parents brought a potluck dinner, and kids, mothers, grandmothers, aunts, cousins, and teachers chatted into the wee hours.

For example, instead of pushing children to stop using African American vernacular, they might encourage students to translate their favorite hip-hop lyrics into formal English—treating them as bilingual rather than as poor speakers.

Another habit of successful teachers, Ladson-Billings observed, was giving students agency and authority. Students worked alongside the staff and advised Lomax and her colleagues on how to improve everything from lunch hour to after-school activities.

The program helped build better relationships between students and staff, and it even reduced suspensions. Ultimately, researchers have found, for schools to raise achievement, they have to push back against damaging racial prejudices in every aspect of what they do.

Personal humiliation and discrimination are daily realities for most black students, they point out, but teachers can counteract this with inclusion, knowledge, and skills that help kids persevere.

Many of the historically segregated schools that successfully educated black students long before the civil rights era were focused on countering racial stereotypes and instilling pride, according to Theresa Perry, a professor of Africana studies and education at Simmons College.

This crucial function was rolled back during desegregation, Perry writes, when researchers estimate that nearly 40, black teachers and principals close to half the African American teaching force lost their jobs.

Lomax knows from experience how just one teacher can encourage a student to use her voice and overcome challenges.

After Lomax graduated from Germantown High in , she enrolled at Rosemont College, a small liberal-arts school outside Philadelphia.

Of roughly students, fewer than 10 were black. All the professors were white. The person who helped Lomax persevere was another English professor she turned to, crying, one day after an insulting comment in the classroom.

Lomax replied that she wanted to recruit more black students and professors, and perhaps launch a black student union.

The teacher, who was white, helped Lomax write a proposal that Lomax delivered to the dean herself.

The number of black students at Rosemont increased over time, and Lomax told me the experience left her committed to becoming a teacher and helping make schools more inclusive.

It was a little before 10 a. A few miles up the street they met up with other marchers, and by noon the crowd had swelled to more than 3, students and teachers from a dozen high schools, all marching toward the Board of Education building.

By then, the student body of Germantown High—once home to mostly white immigrant students—had become more than two-thirds black.

Yet most teachers at Germantown were white, as were all the district administrators, and dropout rates were three times higher for black students than for whites.

Schools like Germantown High, historian Matthew J. Countryman writes in his book on the civil rights struggle in Philadelphia, Up South , offered a unique space for organizing because they blurred the class lines in the black community.

When the student protesters reached the towering art deco Board of Education building, Superintendent Mark Shedd—a strong advocate of integration who had enrolled his own white children in majority-black schools in Germantown—invited a delegation of them into a room overlooking the crowd below.

They presented their demands: black-studies classes, more black teachers and principals, a bigger voice for black parents in school governance, recognition of black student unions, and no more police officers in schools.

After hours of negotiations, a student opened the window to yell to the marchers that the district had agreed to 24 of their 25 demands.

Gloria Ladson-Billings came home to Philadelphia the next year, after the district sent a recruiter to her college in an effort to attract more black teachers with community roots.

She was first placed in a predominantly white school where, she recalls, some white parents told the principal they would not tolerate black teachers for their kids.

The principal refused to transfer the kids—taking a stand that, Ladson-Billings recalls, was still controversial at the time. It was a heady time, Ladson-Billings recalls, when teachers were treated as intellectuals rather than testing proctors following a script.

Like many black educators, Ladson-Billings viewed teaching as a way to help her community. But the profession also served as a critical avenue into the middle class.

And through the second half of the 20th century, public-sector jobs in education, social work, transportation, and the Postal Service formed the backbone of the black middle class.

As Mary Pattillo, a professor of African American studies at Northwestern University, explains, affirmative action was applied most vigorously in the public sector, and to this day public jobs remain the single most important source of employment for black workers.

The public sector employs a higher proportion of black workers in higher-paying jobs. And when public-sector jobs are shifted to the private sector, they typically result in longer, irregular hours and more unstable pay, reducing the assets of the black community, Pattillo explained.

Access to these middle-class jobs has a big ripple effect in black communities, Pattillo documents in her book Black Picket Fences , because African American professionals are more likely than other groups to also support family members and friends in poverty.

Black middle-class families are much more likely than white families to live near poor black families, and they are often key to supporting community institutions.

And, research shows, black teachers contribute to communities in myriad crucial but less visible ways—as role models of college-educated professionals, resources for parents on how to navigate the school system and demand improvements from local politicians, and mentors for neighborhood kids long after the school day ends.

As Ladson-Billings left Philadelphia once more to pursue her Ph. Ronald Reagan had been elected president, and one of his first education policy initiatives was to commission a report on K schools.

The report called for more data-driven teacher evaluations and an emphasis on standardized testing—postulating though with scant evidence that test scores in reading and math would predict workplace performance.

The policies influenced by the report—including mass layoffs in schools that fail to raise their scores fast enough—have had a disproportionate impact on large urban districts like Philadelphia where most black teachers work.

These reforms also laid the groundwork for the explosion in charter schools, which have attracted a less diverse teaching corps in some large urban districts though nationwide, charters employ more African American teachers than traditional schools.

As a result, urban school administrators found themselves increasingly chasing scarce state and federal dollars tied to standardized test scores.

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